Montel Williams Goes on Fiery Rant over VA
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Autoimmune Diseases
ABOUT AUTOIMMUNE DISEASESWHAT IS AN AUTOIMMUNE DISEASE?
The immune system is the body's natural defense against bacteria, viruses and other cells and invaders that do not belong in the body. When the system becomes confused and cannot tell the difference between an invader and the body, it may start attacking the body. There are more than 80 different types of autoimmune diseases including Grave's disease, an autoimmune disease associated with the thyroid. There is a prevalence of Grave's disease and other autoimmune diseases among veterans. It has also been noticed that the adult children of veterans who served in Vietnam and were exposed to Agent Orange also seem prone to autoimmune disorders.
Autoimmune disease is only one of the illnesses caused by Agent Orange. If you or a loved one is suffering from an autoimmune disease and you suspect it may be related to Agent Orange exposure or military duty, please contact an Atlanta veterans disability attorney from our firm. We will be happy to review your circumstances and provide you with trusted legal counsel regarding a claim forveterans disability or veteran compensation.
Autoimmune disease is the number one cause of all other diseases, including cancer and heart disease. It can be difficult sometimes to show that a veteran's autoimmune disease is directly caused by his/her military service. Your claim will require detailed and extensive documentation to show the VA that your autoimmune disease was caused or aggravated during active military duty. This is not always an easy task and our firm can provide skilled assistance to assemble all necessary information for your claim or your appeal. This is a key element in a successful application for disability and will save you tremendous time in the long run. Our firm knows how to navigate around government agencies and large establishments. We have been successfully helping our clients to do so for 40 years.
Are You Eligible?
Diagnosed with PTSD?
Want Help with Your Claim?
REQUEST TO SPEAK WITH US
CONTACT OUR TEAM TODAYSUBMIT MY INFORMATION
McElreath & Stevens, LLCAtlanta Veterans Disability Attorney
513 Edgewood Ave.Suite 100
Atlanta, GA 30312
Phone: (888) 640-0051
Local: (404) 467-9017 http://www.atlantaveteransdisabilityattorney.com/
The information on this website is for general information purposes only. Nothing on this site should be taken as legal advice for any individual case or situation. This information is not intended to create, and receipt or viewing does not constitute, an attorney-client relationship.
The immune system is the body's natural defense against bacteria, viruses and other cells and invaders that do not belong in the body. When the system becomes confused and cannot tell the difference between an invader and the body, it may start attacking the body. There are more than 80 different types of autoimmune diseases including Grave's disease, an autoimmune disease associated with the thyroid. There is a prevalence of Grave's disease and other autoimmune diseases among veterans. It has also been noticed that the adult children of veterans who served in Vietnam and were exposed to Agent Orange also seem prone to autoimmune disorders.
Autoimmune disease is only one of the illnesses caused by Agent Orange. If you or a loved one is suffering from an autoimmune disease and you suspect it may be related to Agent Orange exposure or military duty, please contact an Atlanta veterans disability attorney from our firm. We will be happy to review your circumstances and provide you with trusted legal counsel regarding a claim forveterans disability or veteran compensation.
Autoimmune disease is the number one cause of all other diseases, including cancer and heart disease. It can be difficult sometimes to show that a veteran's autoimmune disease is directly caused by his/her military service. Your claim will require detailed and extensive documentation to show the VA that your autoimmune disease was caused or aggravated during active military duty. This is not always an easy task and our firm can provide skilled assistance to assemble all necessary information for your claim or your appeal. This is a key element in a successful application for disability and will save you tremendous time in the long run. Our firm knows how to navigate around government agencies and large establishments. We have been successfully helping our clients to do so for 40 years.
Are You Eligible?
Diagnosed with PTSD?
Want Help with Your Claim?
REQUEST TO SPEAK WITH US
CONTACT OUR TEAM TODAYSUBMIT MY INFORMATION
McElreath & Stevens, LLCAtlanta Veterans Disability Attorney
513 Edgewood Ave.Suite 100
Atlanta, GA 30312
Phone: (888) 640-0051
Local: (404) 467-9017 http://www.atlantaveteransdisabilityattorney.com/
The information on this website is for general information purposes only. Nothing on this site should be taken as legal advice for any individual case or situation. This information is not intended to create, and receipt or viewing does not constitute, an attorney-client relationship.
No Bibles At The VA since 2009
Joan Mooney has ended Prayer at the VA as well you can't Praise Jesus for miracles either while your getting treatment at the VA....
VA Chaplain Says Officials Ordered Him To Cover Christian Symbols In VA Chapel, “Stop Talking About Jesus Out Loud”…
Iron Mountain Daily News:
I went to the VA Hospital in Iron Mountain today on business. While there I stopped at the Chapel and found pinky-purple curtains with mesh at the top, covering the altar. (You know the type. They use them between sick patients in the hospital).
I stopped in my tracks, shocked at what I saw. I peeked behind the curtain, and found what used to be the welcoming part of the chapel, the Cross, a picture of Jesus, and other Christian icons familiar to the majority of Americans.
I found Chaplain Bob Mueller, to ask what the meaning was of this change. This is what he told me.
“A couple of months ago, an order came down from Washington DC to cover all things associated with Christianity in the VA. Their solution is to cover everything in all the VA Chapels across the country.”
Chaplain Bob went on to say, “A few weeks ago an official from the Madison VA came down here to tell me to ‘stop talking about Jesus, and to stop reading Scripture out loud.’”
Chaplain Bob also said that the rest of the Obama plan is to send more curtains to cover the rest of the stained glass windows, because there are Christian symbols on the stained glass.
These photos reveal future plans by the White House.
To use the same phrase President Obama so ‘eloquently’ used concerning other matters at the VA, ‘I’m mad as hell…”
As Americans, we need to stand together to stop this insanity.
The VA Health System Is a Tragic Warning Against Government-Run Health Care
Liberals love the now-scandalized veterans health program, but even at its best, it's not worth copying.
A damning report
released by the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) Inspector
General will likely leave Democrats and their liberal allies
clamoring for reforms to the government run health system for those
who have served in the military. The report found that workers in
the Phoenix VA network systematically manipulated wait time data,
leaving thousands of military veterans waiting for medical
appointments, and some 1,700 stuck in limbo after being left off
the waiting list entirely. According to the report, the average
initial wait time for a primary care appointment in the Phoenix VA
system was 115 days—a far cry from both the system's 14-day goal
and the 24 days Phoenix officials had reported.
Until recently, Democrats have not been particularly shy about
expressing their feelings about the VA health care system. For
years they have been telling us that it’s great—a model system from
which the rest of the nation’s health care systems could learn a
thing or two.
In 2011, New York Times columnist Paul Krugman called the program a "huge policy success story, which offers important lessons for future health reform." A few years earlier, he lauded it as a "real live case of impressive cost control." Writing in Slate in 2005, journalist Timothy Noah dubbed the program a "triumph of socialized medicine."
It’s not just liberal advocates. Democratic politicians have made their fondness for the program known as well. In the lead-up to the passage of Obamacare, Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) praised the Veterans Administration, and all government health care, as a "godsend"—and then mocked a Republican Senator for imagining a future "government [health] plan where care is denied, delayed, and rationed." That future, Durbin said, was "fictitious."
Around the same time, Democratic Sens. Sheldon Whitehouse (R.I.) and Sherrod Brown (Ohio), gave a statement describing the "government health care" provided by the VA as "among the very best health care in the world." In another speech, Sen. Durbin piled on, insisting that veterans reliance on the "quality care" offered by the VA proved critics of government health care wrong. The White House got into the game too, posting a "health insurance reform reality check" declaring veterans’ health care to be "safe and sound."*
The ongoing VA scandal over falsified records, and the deadly long wait times for care that appear to have been the result, seems to suggest otherwise: Veterans are not safe and sound within the fully government-run system, its quality control leaves much to be desired, and its lengthy wait times are not a fictitious prediction but an all-too-grim reality.
In other words, it’s hardly a triumphant, model system. But even if there were no scandal at all, the VA wouldn’t be a system worth emulating.
When Obamacare passed, we dodged getting a provision that was supposed to emulate the VA. The outbreak of Democratic praise over the program noted above revolved mostly around the possibility of a "public option" in the president’s health care overhaul—a government-run health insurance plan intended to compete with private sector alternatives. The idea was scrapped, and Obamacare became law without it.
So what happens when the federal government actually makes an attempt to take an idea long used by the VA and apply it to the rest of the system? For that, we can look at recent efforts to spur adoption of electronic health records.
In health policy wonk circles, the VA has an electronic records system that is legendarily good. Yes, it’s comparatively expensive, judged against other types of health records systems, but studies have found that the expense pays off with even greater savings. And it helped coordinate better health care too. "The VA’s investment in the Veterans Health Information Systems and Technology Architecture is associated with significant value through reductions in unnecessary and redundant care, process efficiencies, and improvements in care quality," wrote a team of health IT researchers in a 2010 study for Health Affairs.
When the federal government earmarked about $20 billion (to start with) to help encourage health providers to install health IT systems in 2009, as part of the stimulus, it was hoping for a similar payoff. Just a few years earlier, researchers at RAND had published a report estimating that widespread adoption of electronic health records could eventually save $80 billion annually. The stimulus boost was a down payment on the potential for massive future savings.
The stimulus money was sent out to hospitals all over the country, and, with federal funding and a slew of incentives to act, new electronic records systems were rapidly installed. But the hoped-for savings never arrived. In fact, the health IT push may have helped drive federal health spending upwards, by making it easier and more efficient for hospitals to send bigger bills to Medicare.
The system-wide efficiency improvements never appeared either, because too many of the new health records systems couldn’t communicate with each other. The federal government’s health IT investment was supposed to make health care better and cheaper. Instead, it made it more expensive and worse.
The operating theory of most health policy wonks often seems to be that if something works somewhere, it will work everywhere. But the history of health care administration is littered with failed attempts to replicate small successes on a larger scale. All we really know is that if something works somewhere, it will work somewhere.
Defenders of government health care might argue that electronic health records adoption hasn’t worked in the U.S. because of its fragmented, partially private health system. But Britain’s fully socialized National Health System spent more than a decade trying to make a $20 billion health IT overhaul work before scrapping it entirely. It was the most expensive health policy failure in history.
The point is that even when and where the VA works well it’s not
necessarily a system to emulate. That goes for the VA’s vaunted
cost control methods too. Paul Krugman is right when he says that
the system offers a real-life example of cost control; it really is
cheaper than many competitors. But that’s only part of the story.
It’s also necessary to account for how the system achieves its
savings.
And one of the chief methods the VA uses to control spending is to organize its beneficiaries into eight "priority groups" that determine who gets the most care. The sickest and the poorest are at the top of the list, but everyone else gets shuffled into lower priority groups. And not all types of care are covered, which means veterans in most of the priority groups get the majority of their care outside the system. In 2007, the Congressional Budget Office reported that none of the eight priority groups received more than 50 percent of its care from the program. In 2010, the VA reported that just two of the priority groups—the two groups that have the highest cost per enrollee—had barely crept above 50 percent usage.
It’s not a full-featured system designed to handle the complete health care needs of the population it covers. But it is an example of how government controls costs in health care: through strictly defined prioritization systems and limitations on treatments.
And that's how the system is supposed to work. Add the systematic lies and manipulations that the recent scandal has brought to light, and you have an accurate enough picture of how government health care works in practice.
That’s the government system that Democrats and liberal advocates say they like, and that we should learn from. The scandal shows how bad a government-run system can get, but even the best-case scenario mostly provides lessons in what not to do.
In 2011, New York Times columnist Paul Krugman called the program a "huge policy success story, which offers important lessons for future health reform." A few years earlier, he lauded it as a "real live case of impressive cost control." Writing in Slate in 2005, journalist Timothy Noah dubbed the program a "triumph of socialized medicine."
It’s not just liberal advocates. Democratic politicians have made their fondness for the program known as well. In the lead-up to the passage of Obamacare, Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) praised the Veterans Administration, and all government health care, as a "godsend"—and then mocked a Republican Senator for imagining a future "government [health] plan where care is denied, delayed, and rationed." That future, Durbin said, was "fictitious."
Around the same time, Democratic Sens. Sheldon Whitehouse (R.I.) and Sherrod Brown (Ohio), gave a statement describing the "government health care" provided by the VA as "among the very best health care in the world." In another speech, Sen. Durbin piled on, insisting that veterans reliance on the "quality care" offered by the VA proved critics of government health care wrong. The White House got into the game too, posting a "health insurance reform reality check" declaring veterans’ health care to be "safe and sound."*
The ongoing VA scandal over falsified records, and the deadly long wait times for care that appear to have been the result, seems to suggest otherwise: Veterans are not safe and sound within the fully government-run system, its quality control leaves much to be desired, and its lengthy wait times are not a fictitious prediction but an all-too-grim reality.
In other words, it’s hardly a triumphant, model system. But even if there were no scandal at all, the VA wouldn’t be a system worth emulating.
When Obamacare passed, we dodged getting a provision that was supposed to emulate the VA. The outbreak of Democratic praise over the program noted above revolved mostly around the possibility of a "public option" in the president’s health care overhaul—a government-run health insurance plan intended to compete with private sector alternatives. The idea was scrapped, and Obamacare became law without it.
So what happens when the federal government actually makes an attempt to take an idea long used by the VA and apply it to the rest of the system? For that, we can look at recent efforts to spur adoption of electronic health records.
In health policy wonk circles, the VA has an electronic records system that is legendarily good. Yes, it’s comparatively expensive, judged against other types of health records systems, but studies have found that the expense pays off with even greater savings. And it helped coordinate better health care too. "The VA’s investment in the Veterans Health Information Systems and Technology Architecture is associated with significant value through reductions in unnecessary and redundant care, process efficiencies, and improvements in care quality," wrote a team of health IT researchers in a 2010 study for Health Affairs.
When the federal government earmarked about $20 billion (to start with) to help encourage health providers to install health IT systems in 2009, as part of the stimulus, it was hoping for a similar payoff. Just a few years earlier, researchers at RAND had published a report estimating that widespread adoption of electronic health records could eventually save $80 billion annually. The stimulus boost was a down payment on the potential for massive future savings.
The stimulus money was sent out to hospitals all over the country, and, with federal funding and a slew of incentives to act, new electronic records systems were rapidly installed. But the hoped-for savings never arrived. In fact, the health IT push may have helped drive federal health spending upwards, by making it easier and more efficient for hospitals to send bigger bills to Medicare.
The system-wide efficiency improvements never appeared either, because too many of the new health records systems couldn’t communicate with each other. The federal government’s health IT investment was supposed to make health care better and cheaper. Instead, it made it more expensive and worse.
The operating theory of most health policy wonks often seems to be that if something works somewhere, it will work everywhere. But the history of health care administration is littered with failed attempts to replicate small successes on a larger scale. All we really know is that if something works somewhere, it will work somewhere.
Defenders of government health care might argue that electronic health records adoption hasn’t worked in the U.S. because of its fragmented, partially private health system. But Britain’s fully socialized National Health System spent more than a decade trying to make a $20 billion health IT overhaul work before scrapping it entirely. It was the most expensive health policy failure in history.
And one of the chief methods the VA uses to control spending is to organize its beneficiaries into eight "priority groups" that determine who gets the most care. The sickest and the poorest are at the top of the list, but everyone else gets shuffled into lower priority groups. And not all types of care are covered, which means veterans in most of the priority groups get the majority of their care outside the system. In 2007, the Congressional Budget Office reported that none of the eight priority groups received more than 50 percent of its care from the program. In 2010, the VA reported that just two of the priority groups—the two groups that have the highest cost per enrollee—had barely crept above 50 percent usage.
It’s not a full-featured system designed to handle the complete health care needs of the population it covers. But it is an example of how government controls costs in health care: through strictly defined prioritization systems and limitations on treatments.
And that's how the system is supposed to work. Add the systematic lies and manipulations that the recent scandal has brought to light, and you have an accurate enough picture of how government health care works in practice.
That’s the government system that Democrats and liberal advocates say they like, and that we should learn from. The scandal shows how bad a government-run system can get, but even the best-case scenario mostly provides lessons in what not to do.
Late-night fireworks on Capitol Hill as VA officials face congressional ire
"We've lost true north," lamented VA Assistant Deputy Secretary for Health Thomas Lynch late Wednesday night. Lynch testified at a rare nocturnal hearing before the House Veterans Affairs Committee probing the scandal about secret wait-lists. The hearing didn't start until nearly 7:30 p.m. ET Wednesday and ended shortly before midnight.
The lateness of the hour may not explain why the VA's compass is spinning these days. But the late show by the committee was certainly an effort by lawmakers to shine light on a political scandal in the dark of night.
Last week, committee Chairman Jeff Miller, R-Fla., ordered subpoenas to produce the testimony of three VA figures: Lynch, Assistant VA Secretary for Congressional and Legislative Affairs Joan Mooney and VA Congressional Relations Officer Michael Huff. Miller slated the hearing for Wednesday night because lawmakers had been absent from Washington for the Memorial Day holiday. The House was out of session Tuesday. Most lawmakers weren't expected to jet back into Washington until Wednesday night for a set of roll call votes on the floor on unrelated matters. And if the witnesses didn't show up on their own, Miller was prepared to compel their attendance on Friday -- by enforcing the subpoena. During daylight hours.
As recently as Tuesday, Miller wasn't sure if the VA witnesses were coming. He dashed off a nastygram to Veterans Affairs Secretary Eric Shinseki, saying it was to his "absolute bewilderment" that he had no confirmation of those witnesses planning to appear Wednesday night.
The VA finally said the witnesses would materialize. But the VA wasn't completely cooperative. The VA asked Miller if the committee could excuse Huff "out of concern for the morale of lower-level VA employees." They also wanted the chance to deliver opening statements. Miller goodnighted that request, characterizing it as "beyond presumptuous."
No one's ever seen a fireworks show during the day. And it didn't take long for members of the Veterans Affairs Committee to light a few rhetorical Roman candles Wednesday night. The hearing came just hours after the Office of Inspector General released a damning report effectively confirming that workers at the Phoenix VA covered up long wait times, in order to make their internal numbers look good.
"I will not stand for a department cover-up," charged Miller. "We expect VA to be forthcoming. But unfortunately, it takes repeated requests and threats of compulsion to get VA to bring their own people here."
But just because VA officials were on Capitol Hill didn't mean all of their information pleased lawmakers.
Minutes into the meeting, Huff cited a discussion with Lynch and others about the scandal. Miller asked what was said during the conclave.
"I believe that's what he said," Huff said, referring to one conversation with a colleague.
Miller immediately challenged if Huff was accurate in his recollection.
"I took notes," said a flummoxed Huff. "I don't have them in front of me today."
"If you have notes, why haven't those notes been provided to this committee?" challenged Miller, indicating that he believed the VA stumbled in complying with a subpoena to provide documents to the committee about the scandal.
"I turned over my documents to the (VA) Office of the General Counsel," said Huff.
Moments later, Mooney began citing instructions from the General Counsel, reading verbatim from a card.
"Can you say anything without reading your prepared notes?" hectored Miller. "Until the VA understand that we are deadly serious, you can expect us to be over your shoulder every single day."
And night apparently. The hearing bled deep into the evening, the question of Huff's missing notes still vexing committee members.
Around 11:20 p.m. ET, Rep. Brad Wenstrup, R-Ohio, posed a question where the VA officials again invoked the General Counsel's Office.
"I believe there is an assistant general counsel in the room," quipped Miller.
In a moment reminiscent of the old TV show "To Tell the Truth," lawmakers, aides and the public peered around the hearing, looking to see if the correct "contestant" might stand after some feinting. Sure enough, following some shuffling three rows from the back, a man rose wearing a grey suit and blue-striped tie -- Richard Hipolit. Miller asked Hipolit to approach the witness table for a few ad hoc questions. Hipolit squeezed in using Huff's microphone on the end.
"And while you're here, can you find out why Mr. Huff's notes weren't delivered as part of the subpoena?" asked Miller.
"Yes, I'll work on that," replied Hipolit.
But whether the witnesses were formally called to appear or just plucked from the audience seemed to matter little to Rep. Mike Coffman, R-Colo.
"You are here to serve yourselves and not the men and women who have made extraordinary sacrifices," upbraided the Colorado Republican. "All of you, I think, have got to find something else to do."
A particularly sharp exchange unfolded between Rep. Jackie Walorski, R-Ind., and Mooney. Walorski peppered Mooney with a battery of questions, all as Mooney tried desperately to get a word in edgewise.
"May I finish?" asked an exasperated Mooney.
"No!" retorted Walorski. "I only have five minutes."
Walorski then complained: "I have more questions tonight than I had when I walked in here. I know less tonight."
"How can you stand in a mirror and look at yourself ... and not throw up knowing that you've got people out there," queried Rep. Phil Roe, R-Tenn., of Lynch.
Rep. Tim Walz, D-Minn., who spent nearly a quarter century in the National Guard, tried to interpret some of the anger directed at the witness, saying the invective wasn't personal.
"Members of Congress are doing what they should do. They're channeling the American public," said Walz.
The hearing finished, short of the witching hour, and people spilled out of the room.
"I was not able to identify any secret lists," said Lynch.
"There are secret lists. There are multiple lists," countered Miller moments later to reporters in the corridor.
But what wasn't a secret is that a hearing which started at nightfall was now approaching morning. And anything the sides debated Wednesday night still wouldn't be resolved by Thursday.
Capitol Attitude is a weekly column written by members of the Fox News Capitol Hill team. Their articles take you inside the halls of Congress, and cover the spectrum of policy issues being introduced, debated and voted on there.
Six Democratic Senators and two Democratic Senate candidates want a resignation note from the Veterans Affairs secretary, stat.
Colorado Sen. Mark Udall, N.C. Sen. Kay Hagan, Montana Sen. John Walsh, and Minnesota Sen. Al Franken, and New Hampshire Sen. Jeanne Shaheen, have called for his resignation on Wednesday. Virginia Sen. Mark Warner joined the group on Thursday morning.
They’ve been joined by the Democratic Senate hopefuls from Kentucky and Georgia — Allison Grimes and Michelle Nunn.
Several more Democratic Senators from GOP-leaning states — Alaska, Arkansas, Louisiana and Oregon — may join the resignation caucus on Thursday and Friday.
All face tough or competitive elections this fall. The scandal gives them good political reasons to support angry veterans and their families in their states — and President Barack Obama’s low poll ratings ensure there’s little advantage in publicly supporting him.
That creates a strategic dilemma for Obama.
He wants to keep the Senate under Democratic control, but also to shield himself from the scandal in his own administration.
He has not taken the painful step of firing his own appointee, which would publicly put him at the center of the non-partisan scandal, and further damage his poll ratings.
So he’s trying to put a lot distance between himself and Eric Shinseki before the end of June. That’s when a complete report on cover-ups and hidden waiting lists at the VA is slated to be dropped onto Obama’s Oval Office desk, and when Shinseki’s days in the cabinet likely will come to an end.
Obama is already walking away from Shinseki and hinting at his departure. “I know that Ric’s attitude is if he does not think he can do a good job on this and if he thinks he has let our veterans down, then I’m sure that he is not going to be interested in continuing to serve,” Obama said March 21 at a brief press conference in the White House. But, Obama said, “at this stage, Ric is committed to solving the problem and working with us to do it.”
Shinseki didn’t appear at the press conference, so the media didn’t get a picture of Obama standing alongside his apparently doomed appointee. On Memorial Day, Shinseki got the cold shoulder from his boss.
That’s a sharply different message from May 19, when press secretary Jay Carney declared that “the President has confidence in Secretary Shinseki.”
Administration officials likely want to repeat their choreographed resignation of Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius, who walked out of the cabinet in April with the blame for Obamacare’s disastrous October rollout pinned on her back — but not on Obama’s chest.
The strategy was highlighted by an official White House leak to Politico, in which Obama’s deputies portray the president as eager to see if Shinseki can reverse the damage. The subtext of that targeted leak is that the problem belongs to Shinseki, not to the president who appointed him.
The Sebelius blame-shifting took a few months, and was eased by an apparently successful resuscitation of the Obamacare website at the end of March.
But there’s no chance that the VA’s systemic problems — and past misdeeds — can be repaired before the final report arrives at the end of June, less than five months before the midterm election.
When the final report arrives, administration officials likely want Shinseki already out the door and carrying all the blame for the VA scandal far, far, far away from the Oval Office.
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